{"id":310786,"date":"2026-08-18T21:40:32","date_gmt":"2026-08-18T19:40:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/upmp.news\/?p=310786"},"modified":"2026-08-18T21:40:33","modified_gmt":"2026-08-18T19:40:33","slug":"manipulation-of-national-memory-in-alternative-marches-dedicated-to-commemorating-the-victims-of-the-volhynia-tragedy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/upmp.news\/en\/en-in-polish\/manipulation-of-national-memory-in-alternative-marches-dedicated-to-commemorating-the-victims-of-the-volhynia-tragedy\/","title":{"rendered":"Manipulation of National Memory in Alternative Marches Dedicated to Commemorating the Victims of the Volhynia Tragedy"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

In Poland, at the state level, the commemoration of the victims of the Volhynia Tragedy, organized by the Institute of National Remembrance, takes place on July 11. This is reported by Upmp.news with<\/strong> reference<\/strong><\/a> to the blog of Maria Pavliukh, PhD in Social Communications, lecturer at the Department of International Information of Lviv Polytechnic National University, journalist-blogger, public activist, volunteer, business analyst, communications specialist, and political technologist.<\/strong><\/p>\n

However, radical Polish, anti-Ukrainian forces held their own alternative commemorative Marches this year, dedicated to Polish victims of the Ukrainian genocide, which took place in Warsaw and Krakow on July 4\u20135 and 12, 2026, either before or after the official commemorative events. These events were attended by individuals who have criminal records for inciting interethnic hatred and have been found guilty by Polish courts. The organizers involved them in order to \u201craise the level of tension\u201d between the two nations during the commemoration of the significant date.<\/p>\n

The events organized by radical Polish organizations and political forces took place in Warsaw and Krakow with strong informational support from pro-Russian politicians and journalists and anti-Ukrainian rhetoric.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Warsaw March of Remembrance<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Warsaw March of Remembrance took place on July 4, 2026. The event was organized by two Polish radical organizations: \u201cWe Remember Volhynia\u201d and \u201cAlways Faithful \u2013 To You, Poland.\u201d The main tool used by the \u201cWe Remember Volhynia\u201d organization is excessive radicalization of the topic of the Volhynia Tragedy. Activists of this organization use their own slogan to incite contemporary interethnic hatred. They oppose: assistance to Ukraine, the presence of Ukrainian refugees in Poland (calling this the \u201cUkrainization of Poland\u201d), and any assistance to Ukrainians. The organization is closely associated with the \u201cConfederation of the Polish Crown\u201d party and the Polish media outlet \u201cPolish Thought,\u201d known for their anti-Ukrainian radical statements and claims that coincide with Kremlin talking points.<\/p>\n\n\n

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The leader of the \u201cWe Remember Volhynia\u201d organization is Katarzyna Sokolowska, who was found guilty by a Polish court of inciting interethnic hatred between Ukrainians and Poles. She systematically conducts various anti-Ukrainian events. The Ukrainian Center for Countering Disinformation included K. Sokolowska on the list of individuals promoting narratives \u201cechoing Russian propaganda.\u201d According to a Polish journalistic investigation by FrontStory, on the days when the world learned about the massacre in Bucha, K. Sokolowska\u2019s accounts generated 65% of all traffic on Polish X related to the topic of \u201cVolhynia,\u201d effectively diverting attention from Russia\u2019s ongoing war crimes, which appears to be no coincidence.<\/p>\n\n\n

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The aforementioned March was promoted by a number of anti-Ukrainian information channels, media outlets, and political forces, including the anti-Ukrainian political party \u201cConfederation of the Polish Crown.\u201d A non-incidental Russian trace in the activities of this organization was its members; in particular, until 2021, Marcin Zholkovsky served on its supervisory board. At one point, he supported the separation of Donbas from Ukraine and was also an active member of the \u201cPolish-Russian Brotherhood\u201d organization.<\/p>\n

The event\u2019s media partner was the online weekly \u201cPolish Thought\u201d \u2013 a publication oriented toward national democracy and geopolitical realism. The publication focuses primarily on the Polish national interest; therefore, its authors criticize the EU\u2019s liberal policies and globalization. The weekly takes a skeptical stance toward unconditional support for Ukraine during the war, devoting considerable attention to Polish-Ukrainian disputes and the issue of the \u201cPolish Eastern Borderlands.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n

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The current editor-in-chief of the weekly is Jan Engelgard, whose journalistic activities have a systematic anti-Ukrainian and pro-Russian character, as has been repeatedly reported by Polish media. In 2025, J. Engelgard was included on the official list of individuals spreading Kremlin propaganda in Poland.<\/p>\n\n\n

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For example, one of the high-profile scandals associated with Jan Engelgard was an attempt to legitimize and popularize in Poland the ideas of Russian neo-fascist and geopolitician Alexander Dugin. The weekly \u201cPolish Thought\u201d acted as the official publisher of A. Dugin\u2019s book \u201cManifesto of the Great Awakening.\u201d The translator of the book was Mateusz Piskorski, former leader of the pro-Russian \u201cChange\u201d party, who is accused in Poland of spying for Russia.<\/p>\n

Provocative Rhetoric and Emotional Imagery of the Warsaw March of Remembrance<\/strong><\/p>\n

During the Warsaw March of Remembrance, loud statements of an openly anti-Ukrainian nature, with pro-Russian narratives and chauvinistic overtones, were made in order to deepen the Polish-Ukrainian conflict and promote interethnic hatred. In particular, Katarzyna Sokolowska voiced a separatist and chauvinistic claim: \u201cUkrainians call us, Poles, occupiers and often say that Lviv is their city. And this is not true.\u201d It is somewhat strange to hear such statements at a commemoration of the victims of the Volhynia Tragedy. The Kremlin actively manipulates this claim.<\/p>\n

Similar narratives, echoing Russian propaganda, were voiced by Leszek Sykulski, a former employee of the Chancellery of the President of Poland and political scientist. He frequently visited Russia, where he made public appearances, which is why Polish intelligence services describe him as a pro-Russian sympathizer. In his speech, he emphasized that Ukraine is not a partner of Poland and criticized its foreign policy. He stated that the passivity of the Polish authorities had provoked the audacity of the Kyiv authorities, which had initiated a \u201cstate cult of Ukraine.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n

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Journalist of the weekly \u201cPolish Thought\u201d Lukasz Jastrzebski built his speech around historical parallels, when, mentioning the women and children killed in Volhynia, he, of course, did not forget about modern Ukraine and the dangerous \u201cBandera.\u201d He also said that Ukrainians often called Poles Russian trolls and Putin\u2019s agents. Particularly interesting in the speech of the professional journalist was the fact that he did not deliver his speech, but read it from a sheet of paper, indicating that these were not his own thoughts. The same claim was voiced in Krakow the following day by a member of the \u201cConfederation of the Polish Crown\u201d party.<\/p>\n\n\n

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An interesting observation is that the entire March of Remembrance was accompanied by physically fit men who, at first glance, appeared to be law enforcement officers ensuring order during the event. However, it later turned out that they were people specially hired by K. Sokolowska to monitor the march. Several cases were recorded when young men wearing audio headsets informed K. Sokolowska about the timing of the speeches, and she interrupted a female speaker and gave the participants the command to move on. In another case, these physically strong men took Lukasz Jastrzebski\u2019s speech sheet and placed it in a separate folder, confirming the assumption that the speakers\u2019 statements during the event had been carefully planned.<\/p>\n\n\n

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The Warsaw March of Remembrance was notable in that the organizers not only decided to commemorate the victims of the tragedy, but also sought to provoke strong negative emotions among the public by creating graphic representations of the victims through performances and disturbing visual displays.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Krakow March of Remembrance and Radical Rhetoric<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Krakow March of Remembrance took place on July 5, 2026. The organizers of the \u201cLesser Poland Volhynia March\u201d were: the anti-Ukrainian political party \u201cConfederation of the Polish Crown,\u201d the civic association \u201cKamrat Pack of the Krakow She-Wolf,\u201d and the civic movement \u201cCompatriots-Comrades,\u201d which is a Krakow-based group formed around far-right figures Wojciech Olszanski and Marcin Osadowski. This milieu is known for its nationalist and anti-Ukrainian rhetoric, criticism of Poland\u2019s support for Ukraine; participation in street actions and marches; and close cooperation with the political milieu of the radical \u201cConfederation of the Polish Crown\u201d party. The leader of this party, Member of the European Parliament Grzegorz Braun, is known for his overtly pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian activities and sympathy for Russia. At one of the events, Grzegorz Braun publicly burned the Ukrainian flag.<\/p>\n\n\n

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It is known that in 2018, during a trip to Russia, G. Braun met with Leonid Sviridov, a journalist with the \u201cRussia Today\u201d (Sputnik) agency, whom Polish counterintelligence deported from Poland and declared persona non grata due to suspicions of espionage on behalf of the Kremlin. At the end of 2023, Grzegorz Braun and other members of his party sent an official letter to Russian Foreign Minister S. Lavrov, calling for the \u201cnormalization and de-escalation\u201d of Polish-Russian relations.<\/p>\n

The rhetoric of this event was not only anti-Ukrainian, but also more radical compared with the Warsaw event. The speakers had repeatedly been held accountable by Polish law enforcement authorities for inciting interethnic hatred. In particular, former priest and well-known public activist Jacek Mi\u0119dlar. He is a former priest and founder of the information resource wPrawo.pl, which presents itself as an \u201cindependent journalist,\u201d publicist, and documentary filmmaker, but his activities focus on the propaganda and radicalization of historical issues. In 2022, a court in Wroc\u0142aw sentenced J. Mi\u0119dlar to community service for inciting interethnic hatred and insulting Jews and Ukrainians during his speeches at Independence Marches.<\/p>\n

In 2024, J. Mi\u0119dlar was sentenced to a restriction of liberty and a fine for a prolonged media campaign of harassment and threats against Polish human rights defenders. Polish special services repeatedly searched J. Mi\u0119dlar\u2019s apartment in Wroc\u0142aw, seizing computers and data storage devices as part of investigations into cases involving calls for violence based on nationality. Since 2019, the activist has conducted ninety interviews with witnesses of events in Volhynia. These interviews became the basis for his film \u201cNeighbors \u2013 the Last Witnesses of Ukrainian Murders of Poles,\u201d which appeared on one of the world\u2019s largest film platforms, Amazon, in eleven languages.<\/p>\n\n\n

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During his speech, Jacek Mi\u0119dlar used manipulative anti-Ukrainian rhetoric, stating: \u201cWe are here to speak through the mouths of those Poles who were killed by their Ukrainian neighbors. We are here to talk about what Polish-Ukrainian neighborly relations may end in. Those who were killed demand the de-Banderization of Poland. A few years ago, we had the opportunity to carry out exhumations in the territory of Volhynia and Eastern Lesser Poland. Ukrainians are preventing us from carrying out exhumations. Ukraine is not a country built on heroism, but a country built on collaboration with the German Empire, which harmed Poles.\u201d<\/p>\n

His anti-Ukrainian rhetoric is openly chauvinistic and pro-Russian. The use of the image of \u201cbloody murderers, Ukrainian neighbors,\u201d projected onto the present day, is intended to criticize friendly Polish-Ukrainian relations. The media symbol \u201cde-Banderization of Poland\u201d manipulates through the victims killed during the Volhynia events of 1943. But the most important manipulation by the former priest is the use of a territorial designation referred to as \u201cEastern Lesser Poland\u201d or the Eastern Borderlands \u2014 this is what Poles called the territories of the Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Ternopil regions, which indicates chauvinistic overtones and a pro-Russian narrative.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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An interesting coincidence, echoing the speech by journalist Lukasz Jastrzebski during the Warsaw March of Remembrance, was the speech by Polish Sejm member Roman Fritz from the \u201cConfederation,\u201d who used a similar claim that his party\u2019s 2022 initiative \u201cStop the Ukrainization of Poland\u201d had been criticized and condemned, and that party members had been called Kremlin agents by the authorities. He criticized those Polish politicians who had once used the slogan \u201cGlory to Ukraine\u201d at ceremonial events, in particular M. Morawiecki, A. Duda, and J. Kaczynski.<\/p>\n

A wave of emotions was provoked by one of the most radical far-right figures, Wojciech Olszanski, founder and ideologue of the extremist movement \u201cCompatriots \u2013 Comrades.\u201d Due to his activities, W. Olszanski is a regular defendant in criminal cases, as he served prison sentences in 2022\u20132023. The court brought more than a hundred criminal charges against him for: inciting hatred and publicly calling for murders, as he threatened Polish MPs and journalists with violence and is known for his approval of Russian aggression.<\/p>\n

During his speech, W. Olszanski expressed the following anti-Ukrainian claims: the need to establish a people\u2019s tribunal for Bandera and Shukhevych; after the construction of a pantheon, Ukraine would no longer be an ally of Poland; \u201cBandera\u2019s Ukraine\u201d is a state that is a mortal enemy of Polish independence and all Poles. Particularly dangerous was the generalization: \u201cUkraine is an enemy that will sneak up when we are asleep and destroy our descendants, as it once did on September 1, 1939. We will become orphans and slaves.\u201d W. Olszanski stated that victory in the 2027 elections was necessary, with enough votes for today\u2019s Sejm majority to become a minority. He indicated that it was necessary to change the constitution and the political system of Poland, and that such statements were a matter of Poland\u2019s own security.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Co-founder of the aforementioned extremist movement, Marcin Osadowski, distinguished himself during the March of Remembrance with anti-Ukrainian claims. Like W. Olszanski, he has repeatedly come to the attention of Polish law enforcement authorities and security services. M. Osadowski received court sentences for openly showing contempt for politicians, insulting and threatening public figures with beatings. In 2024, M. Osadowski and W. Olszanski attempted to legalize the political party \u201cKamrat Party,\u201d which was officially banned by a Polish court due to its extremist ideology, although the civic movement itself continues to operate informally.<\/p>\n

Deputy head of the \u201cConfederation\u201d in the city of Krosno, Mateusz Rushaj, addressed Ukrainians residing in Poland with the words: \u201cPrevent the chauvinistic government in Kyiv from officially saying that you and Poles should hate each other,\u201d accusing the Ukrainian authorities of inciting national hatred and chauvinism, which appears to be an overt manipulation and a Russian narrative.<\/p>\n\n\n

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The main anti-Ukrainian narratives expressed by the speakers during the March of Remembrance in Krakow were as follows: \u201cthere are no crimes or murders, but there is the word \u2018genocide\u2019\u201d; \u201cthere is no common problem, but rather a problem where one side \u2013 Ukraine \u2013 is to blame\u201d; \u201cwhen the Confederation wanted to put forward a legislative initiative in 2022 to ban the Ukrainization of Poland, its members were called Kremlin agents. Instead, the authorities opened their eyes and saw that this initiative was correct\u201d; \u201cUkrainians make you beg for a year for the right to carry out an exhumation that takes several days. And this is not an exhumation, but \u2018excavation.\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n

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It is worth noting that, despite the significant number of participants in the March (400 people), openly anti-Ukrainian slogans (for example: \u201cPoland \u2013 anti-Bandera\u201d) were chanted by approximately 10 people, which indicates that anti-Ukrainian rhetoric was promoted exclusively by radical speakers who were not supported by the majority of participants. One of the speeches was delivered in English, indicating that it was intended for an international audience. Subsequently, members of the \u201cConfederation\u201d held the Volhynia March in Warsaw on July 12, 2026, where similar anti-Ukrainian claims and pro-Russian narratives were also voiced.<\/p>\n

Features of This Year\u2019s Marches and Sources of Funding<\/strong><\/p>\n

This year\u2019s Marches of Remembrance, organized by various political and civic forces, were well organized, had good logistics and symbolism \u2013 posters, stands, tents, T-shirts, brochures, books, video operators \u2013 and displayed complete similarity in the claims voiced by speakers in different cities. The rhetoric of the speeches shifted the focus from historical issues to the political sphere of contemporary Ukraine and Poland, played on emotions through its expressiveness, and emphasized the killings of children, women, and elderly people; it appealed to the \u201cabsurdity\u201d of accusations of playing into the Kremlin\u2019s hands and spreading pro-Russian narratives. In Krakow, against the backdrop of banners of the \u201cConfederation of the Polish Crown\u201d party, a political claim was made about the need to win the 2027 elections, indicating that political forces are using the Volhynia issue to gain supporters.<\/p>\n

Particular attention should be paid to the issue of the sources of funding for these events, especially considering that, during an audit of the \u201cConfederation\u201d party, Poland\u2019s National Electoral Commission identified 43 accounts (the party officially declared that it had only one account) on which unknown international transactions were carried out. Instead, the party submitted another report late, without including the mandatory appendices detailing its income and expenditures, which indicates the deliberate concealment of funds.<\/p>\n\n\n

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The sources of funding for the Warsaw March are interesting, as the leader of the \u201cWe Remember Volhynia\u201d organization, K. Sokolowska, stated that she used her own funds obtained from operating her online store and charitable donations. Ahead of the Warsaw March, K. Sokolowska announced a fundraising campaign for PLN 20,000, collecting almost the entire amount in a short period. She stated that she did not want to approach state institutions (for example, the Ministry of Culture) for funding to organize the march in order not to be subject to their control. However, according to the official fundraising announcement, if specific donations are analyzed, they began arriving as early as six months before the march, which was announced in early May 2026. What is particularly interesting is that the origin of some of the funds is completely unknown.<\/p>\n

The \u201cWe Remember Volhynia\u201d organization was established in 2018, while the opening of the online store coincided with Russia\u2019s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and the strengthening of Russian propaganda\u2019s influence in Europe. K. Sokolowska\u2019s online store sells commemorative symbols dedicated to the Volhynia Tragedy, and some products have a distinctly chauvinistic character, for example, an armband bearing the inscription: \u201cPolish Lviv,\u201d which has absolutely nothing to do with commemorating the victims of the Volhynia Tragedy.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Afterword<\/strong><\/p>\n

Official events commemorating the victims of the Volhynia Tragedy are held at the national level on July 11. It is therefore natural to ask: why do certain political or civic forces hold alternative events? All of this points to a carefully thought-out scenario, since during official events, radical forces would have no voice. Their statements are openly unfriendly, inciting interethnic hatred between Ukrainians and Poles rather than contributing to the search for compromises, which is necessary in the face of the threat of a Russian invasion of Poland or European countries.<\/p>\n

Another important reason for the increased activity of these forces is the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2027. Certain political parties are attempting to build a strong electorate around themselves by using historical triggers, the pain of the past, and politicizing difficult chapters of history, in particular the Volhynia Tragedy.<\/p>\n

Ukrainians and Poles want to find a compromise. In the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the threat of military escalation by Russia against European countries, it is important to establish good partnership relations. Sooner or later, historians and experts will find common ground by studying historical documents. It is important to remember that we are neighbors, European peoples, and we will have to live alongside one another for many years, yet there are third forces that do not benefit from our good-neighborly relations. And that third force is Russia, which wants to destroy our shared European future.<\/p>\n

<\/strong>anti-Ukrainian sentiments<\/a><\/span>manipulation<\/a><\/span>march<\/a><\/span>Maria Pavliukh<\/a><\/span>Poland<\/a><\/span>Russia<\/a><\/span>Ukraine<\/a><\/span>Volhynia Tragedy<\/a> <\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In Poland, at the state level, the commemoration of the victims of the Volhynia Tragedy, organized by the Institute of National Remembrance, takes place on July 11. This is reported by Upmp.news with reference to the blog of Maria Pavliukh, PhD in Social Communications, lecturer at the Department of International Information of Lviv Polytechnic National […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":27,"featured_media":310292,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2196,2205],"tags":[26672,26670,26669,26668,2347,2712,2513,26671],"class_list":["post-310786","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-en-in-polish","category-en-suspilstvo-pl","tag-anti-ukrainian-sentiments","tag-manipulation","tag-march","tag-maria-pavliukh","tag-en-in-polish","tag-russia","tag-en-in-ukraine","tag-volhynia-tragedy"],"yoast_head":"\nManipulation of National Memory in Alternative Marches Dedicated to Commemorating the Victims of the Volhynia Tragedy – U.P.M.P<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/upmp.news\/en\/en-in-polish\/manipulation-of-national-memory-in-alternative-marches-dedicated-to-commemorating-the-victims-of-the-volhynia-tragedy\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Manipulation of National Memory in Alternative Marches Dedicated to Commemorating the Victims of the Volhynia Tragedy – U.P.M.P\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"In Poland, at the state level, the commemoration of the victims of the Volhynia Tragedy, organized by the Institute of National Remembrance, takes place on July 11. 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